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- <text id=90TT0798>
- <title>
- Apr. 02, 1990: A Neighbor's View
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
- Apr. 02, 1990 Nixon Memoirs
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- WORLD, Page 31
- A Neighbor's View
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>By Michel Rocard, Henry Muller, Christopher Redman and Frederick
- Painton
- </p>
- <p> Two days after the East German vote, French Prime Minister
- Michel Rocard disthe future of Europe in an interview with
- managing editor Henry Muller, Paris bureau chief Christopher
- Redman and senior writer Frederick Painton. Highlights:
- </p>
- <p> Q. France doesn't seem very enthusiastic about German
- unification.
- </p>
- <p> A. Well, there is the memory of what happened 50 years ago,
- when we were occupied. But don't forget the great
- reconciliation between the two countries that began with
- Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer, continued with Valery
- Giscard d'Estaing and Helmut Schmidt and goes on now with the
- friendship between Francois Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl.
- </p>
- <p> Germany is powerful, and there is economic jealousy, which
- is understandable. And there were the damaging three weeks it
- took Chancellor Kohl to realize that he had to be firm and
- definitive about guaranteeing the Oder-Neisse border with
- Poland. That was enough to worry some people--including in
- France. Still, it doesn't change our position, which is that
- we favor German unity. The fewer problems Germans have between
- themselves, the fewer they will have with the rest of the
- world.
- </p>
- <p> Q. Are things moving too fast?
- </p>
- <p> A. A bit, yes, but that's the way it is. A politician who
- based his policies on his wishes wouldn't last long.
- </p>
- <p> Q. Does a united Germany make France relatively weaker?
- </p>
- <p> A. Not necessarily. The unification of Germany does not
- abolish the consequences of World War II, including the
- psychological scars, nor does it change Germany's formal
- renunciation of nuclear weapons. The Federal Republic's foreign
- policy was always based, above all, on commerce, whereas ours
- is broader, encompassing political and strategic
- considerations. In any case, the more the European Community
- integrates, the less all this matters. What really matters is
- the global strength of Europe.
- </p>
- <p> Q. Isn't there a danger, though, that a united Germany will
- lose interest in the European dream?
- </p>
- <p> A. I wouldn't call it a danger, but a risk. The European
- Community, thank God, is not a dream. It is true that we speak
- nine languages and that we still feel the roots of our national
- histories. But there is another reality. No member country--not even Britain--can afford to leave the E.C. We are much
- too integrated economically now, though this dependence has not
- yet entered the collective consciousness. So I don't think it's
- easy for anyone to slow down the process of integration.
- Everyone has an interest in taking the European path, and my
- country wants to go fast.
- </p>
- <p> Q. If the Soviet threat is receding, is NATO still needed?
- </p>
- <p> A. Yes. Because in spite of his genius, Mr. Gorbachev will
- die one day, maybe under bad political circumstances. He will
- have a successor, and Soviet army marshals cannot be excluded.
- Soviet military power remains a problem as long as there is not
- a negotiated security system. We need NATO to maintain pressure
- on the disarmament negotiations.
- </p>
- <p> Q. Should U.S. forces remain in Europe?
- </p>
- <p> A. Not for eternity, but for the coming years--as long as
- European countries don't take on the defense burden themselves,
- which is not just a matter of money but also of weapons and a
- defense doctrine.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-